How the US and Mexico came together to defeat the last Empire in the Americas
Review by Jim Gallen
America’s paramount foreign policy from 1823 was the Monroe Doctrine, which proclaimed that free and independent nations of the Western Hemisphere “ . . . are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers.” The United States’ preoccupation with its domestic disunion provided an opportunity for Emperor Napoleon III to extend French influence in the Americas. That left Mexican President Benito Juárez to manage the defense of the Mexican Republic against French, Austrian and locally recruited troops.
President-elect Abraham Lincoln’s record of opposition to the Mexican War during his only term in Congress gave Juárez hope for support. His envoy, Matías Romero, traveled to Springfield, Illinois, where he was the first foreign representative to visit Lincoln, and Lincoln lent a sympathetic ear. Though little known at the time, Ulysses S. Grant had also developed a friendly attitude toward Mexico, as a result of his experience in the Mexican War.
As long as the Civil War continued, though, America had little material support to extend to Mexico. Nevertheless, Lincoln did withhold recognition of Maximilian’s government, and Congressional resolutions reflected northern sentiment in favor of the Mexican Republic.
On the other hand, Imperial Mexico maintained a pro-Confederate neutrality in which cotton transported in Mexican flagged ships evaded the Blockade and helped finance the Confederacy. A stable Empire, through this mutual support, would have been an asset to the Confederacy and could have altered the history and geography of a continent.
With the demise of the Confederacy, the United States finally had weapons to spare as well as soldiers looking for new adventures. Generals Grant and Sheridan saw to it that the Army “left” Sharps rifles and carbines, cannon, and ammunition along the border where they could be collected by Republican forces (Juárez’s defenders of the Mexican Republic). These weapons gave the Republican troops a weaponry advantage over the French. In addition, adventurers joined the "American Legion," the name given to American units fighting with the Republican armies.
Grant and Romero conspired to circumvent Secretary of State Seward in matters relating to Mexico and maintained a close relationship until Grant’s death. Though perhaps not welcomed at the time, their actions strengthened Seward’s hand during later negotiations with Napoleon.
Estimates of Americans fighting in Mexico vary widely, ranging from 3,000 to 10,000. Chapter six of Mr. Hogan's book identifies prominent Americans who actively aided the Mexican cause, including:
- Col. George Church, who left the 11th Rhode Island in 1863 to serve as an advisor to Juárez's Minister of War under the guise of being a war correspondent for the New York Herald.
- Col. George Green, who in 1866 organized and commanded a group of ex-Union officers who joined the Mexican Republican forces.
- Maj. George McNulty, who commanded volunteers from the Texas frontier. These volunteers, with other American units, comprised the American Legion of Honor that played a major role in forcing the French to evacuate Durango and to retreat to Mexico City.
- Maj. Gen. Lew Wallace, who oversaw the recruitment of Americans to fight in Mexico and organized fundraising Mexican Aid Societies.
- Maj. Gen. John Schofield, who after taking a leave of absence from the Union Army commanded three infantry divisions, one cavalry division, and nine artillery batteries with a similar rank Mexican Army.
- Maj. Gen. Phil Sheridan, who commanded 50,000 troops, including 20,000 United States Colored Troops, to secure the US-Mexican border.
- Brig. General Herman Sturm, who served as an arms purchasing agent on behalf of Juárez.
Mr. Hogan's work also covers an often overlooked but important sequela of the Civil War: with victory won, Union Leagues -- contemporary City Clubs that were originally patriotic organizations formed to support the Union -- shifted their attention to the struggle in Mexico.
In addition, Mr. Hogan describes the battles, and the American Legion’s role in them, that eventually led to the overthrow and execution of Maximilian. He concludes with an analysis of the significance of America's involvement as well as the strengths and weaknesses of both the Imperialist (French and Austrian) and the Juárez movements in Mexican history.
In sum, Guns, Grit and Glory illustrates how currents unleashed during the Civil War continued to flow when the United States was able to project its values and policies beyond its borders. Thus, Mr. Hogan's book provides insights into the Civil War’s impact on hemispheric history.
Guns, Grit And Glory by
Michael Hogan, Henelstone Verlag, LLC, Amissville, Virginia, 2019, ISBN
978-0-9969554-8-5
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Jim Gallen is a St. Louis, Missouri attorney. He is Chairman of the Military History Club of the Missouri Athletic Club, a member of the St. Louis Civil War Roundtable (https://civilwarstlmo.org/), and member of the Ulysses S. Grant Camp of the Sons of Union Veterans of the Civil War.
