To the Battles of 
Franklin and Nashville and Beyond: 
Stabilization and Reconstruction
in Tennessee and Kentucky, 1864-1866

Benjamin Franklin Cooling
University of Tennessee Press, 2011, 526 pp., $45.95


Review by Gordon Berg

After the war, Tennessee cavalryman Thomas Black Wilson declared, “I look on Fort Donelson as one of the most important battles of the war.”  Benjamin Franklin Cooling has spent much of his career corroborating the prescience of Black’s observation about this Union victory in early 1862 and the war in the Western theater that followed. 

This triumphal volume concludes Dr. Cooling’s definitive trilogy detailing the war in Kentucky and Tennessee.  He deftly combines the insights of an historian with the expertise of a national security analyst to vividly portray how the Confederacy’s hope for nationhood became shipwrecked in the rugged hills and rolling heartland of the upper South.

Assessing the military situation after Ulysses S. Grant’s decisive victory over Braxton Bragg at Chattanooga in November 1863, Dr. Cooling eloquently concludes that “dreams of ’going back to Tennessee’ dissipated in the winter snows of north Georgia and became moot when spring blossoms presaged renewed Federal movements southward on the rail line to Atlanta as well as in Virginia.”   Overly optimistic rebel strategists lacked the men and material to throw the Federal juggernaut off balance and, Dr. Cooling concludes, “the Confederate moment had passed by May.”

But, 16 months of hard fighting for the soldiers and severe economic deprivation for the civilians still lay ahead.  Dr. Cooling punctuates his monograph with poignant anecdotes revealing the how the divided loyalties among the citizens of the two states made for tense and unsettled conditions behind the lines and President Lincoln‘s hopes of reintegrating areas occupied by Northern armies back into the Union an illusive chimera.  He quotes the editor of Union-appointed Tennessee governor Andrew Johnson‘s papers, Leroy Graf, as observing “until the disorders and insecurities created by roving bands of Confederates were quelled, the prospects for successful civil government were dim.”

Dr. Cooling also distinguishes himself as a master of battle narrative.  His descriptions of the fighting at Spring Hill, Franklin, and Nashville are spirited and analytically insightful.  This book is a must read for anyone wishing to understand why the Civil War really was won in the West.
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Gordon Berg is a past President and member of the Civil War Round Table of the District of Columbia (cwrtdc.org).  His reviews and articles appear in the Civil War Times and America's Civil War, among other publications.
John Brown’s Body
Stephen Vincent Benet and Civil War Memory

Review by Gordon Berg

Throughout history, societies have produced literary works like The Iliad or The Aenied that define a nation’s character and its people.  In 1928, Stephen Vincent Benet published John Brown’s Body, 15,000 lines of blank verse exulting the spirit of the American people as seen through the prism of its defining historical moment, the Civil War.  Like Homer and Virgil before him, Benet used poetry to give moral significance to a time of seminal change and profound tragedy.

An accomplished writer since his collegiate days at Yale, Benet won a Guggenheim Fellowship in 1926, the first ever awarded for poetry.  He composed John Brown’s Body, his best known work, over two years while living in Paris because his funds would last longer there and, he said, “living abroad intensified my Americanism.“  Benet was an unabashed liberal.  He understood the Civil War as the pivotal event in the evolution of the United States into a democratic, progressive, and pluralistic society.  He made sense of the war’s horrific loss of life much as Abraham Lincoln did; as a necessary, divinely ordained, shedding of blood before the nation could be redeemed from the sin of slavery.

The 1920’s were a critical period in the creation of Civil War memory and many Americans did not share Benet‘s progressive views.  For aging white veterans, blue and gray, it was their last hurrah; a chance to cement their vision of  battlefield sacrifice into the public’s mind and give meaning to the deaths of thousands of their comrades.  Reconciliation between old foes and honor to all old soldiers was the order of the day. 

For African Americans, the war’s living legacy, it was a much different time.  They found themselves emancipated but far from free.  For them, the roaring 20’s was an era of  virulent racism, social segregation, political disenfranchisement, and sudden violence.  Jim Crow Laws, Black Codes, a resurgent Ku Klux Klan, and the public lynching of blacks all across America seemed to mock Lincoln’s vision of a more perfect Union.

Benet chose to mix historical personages with fictional characters from all walks of society to create his vision of a balanced, optimistic, and reconciliationist national saga about the war and the effect it had on the people who lived through it.  Like Walt Whitman, his model, Benet, too, heard America singing and attempted to capture its disparate melodies in verse.

Although John Brown himself is hung barely a third of the way through the book,  he is the poem’s guiding spirit, hovering over the entire work like an apocalyptic flame right out of the Old Testament who loosed a flood of fateful events that would change every aspect of American life. 
Benet depicts Brown as being outside of history, a Hegelian world historical figure who can “change the actual scheme of things” and, by the power of his personality, bring about a new historical dispensation:

               Sometimes there comes a crack in Time itself.
               Sometimes the earth is torn by something blind.
               Sometimes an image that has stood so long
               It seems implanted as the polar star
               Is moved against an unfathomed force
               That suddenly will not have it any more.

 Even though he failed in many of his business endeavors and “had no gift for life,” Benet understood that Brown changed history because “he knew how to die.”  As evidence, the poet reproduces the vibrant language Brown used in his final speech to the court, including:

               Now if it is deemed necessary that I should forfeit my
               life for the furtherance of the ends of justice and mingle
               my blood further with the blood of my children
               and with the blood of millions in this slave country
               whose rights are disregarded by wicked, cruel, and
               unjust enactments, I say, let it be done.

Brown’s  powerful words were soon memorized and whispered in countless slave quarters throughout the South.  They were reproduced in newspapers throughout the North and evangelical clergymen read them from hundreds of pulpits.  To millions of enslaved black people and many whites, John Brown’s body, hung on a gallows at Charlestown, VA on Oct. 16, 1859, symbolically had become the crucified Christ.  But to southern slave owners, his spectral figure was repeatedly likened to the Arch Fiend himself.

Benet, himself, had a love-hate relationship with Brown.  “You did not fight for the Union nor wish it well,” he wrote.  “You fought for the single dream of a man unchained.”  For an avowed progressive nationalist like Benet, the war could not be justified merely because it freed the slaves.  A new, more perfect, nation had to arise from the carnage of the conflict; a political consequence that Brown never envisioned. 

The other Christ figure in the saga is, of course, Lincoln.  After the fiasco at First Manassas in July 1861, Benet describes him as “awkwardly enduring…neither overwhelmed nor touched to folly.”  Lincoln must now begin the laborious job of “kneading the stuff of the Union together again.”  His work is likened to a divine mission.  “And yet Lincoln had a star, if you would have it so,” Benet writes, obviously alluding to the polar star that led the Three Wise Men to Jesus‘ manger, “and he was haunted by a prairie-star,” possibly referring to Lincoln’s Midwest heritage or to John Brown’s Kansas abolitionist activities.        

Critics have debated the book’s literary merits ever since it won the Pulitzer Prize in 1929.  Some consider Benet’s portrayal of historical personages like Lincoln, Lee, Grant, Beauregard, Judah Benjamin, Jefferson Davis, and others to be flat and uninspiring.   His portrait of Robert E. Lee, however, captures the essence of the South’s “marble man” in a few poignant lines:

                A figure lost to flesh and blood and bones,
                Frozen into a legend out of life,
                A blank-verse statue…
                For here was someone who lived all his life
                In the most fierce and open light of the sun…
                And kept his heart a secret to the end

Benet is also adept at taking historical situations and vividly rendering them into emotional literary images.  He portrays Edmund Ruffin, the rabid abolitionist who fired the first cannon at Fort Sumter, walking in his Richmond garden with a Confederate flag around his shoulders, shoot himself in the heart upon learning of Lee’s surrender.  Benet describes General Grant when he sees Confederate bonfires celebrating the birth of George Pickett’s son.  He orders his soldiers to do the same and sends a silver service for the baby.  Just days later, Grant attacks Pickett and the Confederate army at Petersburg.
   
Other critics consider his fictional characters, representing Northern and Southern archetypes, to be more fully developed.  Jack Ellyat, the hardy New England abolitionist is balanced against Clay Wingate, the haunted plantation owner.  Jake Diefer, the Pennsylvania yeoman and Luke Breckinridge, the illiterate backwoods hunter; Sally Dupre, the Southern belle and Melora Vilas, a subsistence farmer’s daughter; Cudjo, the loyal house servant and Spade, the slave who escapes to freedom all characterize traits of the common people Benet so admires, people who suffered, fought, and died to bring about a new birth of American freedom.  Benet treats them all with honor and respects the choices they made.

Benet always insisted that he was writing poetry, not history.  But in the preface to John Brown’s Body, he defended the historical accuracy of his work.  “In dealing with known events,” he wrote, “I have tried to cleave to historical fact where such fact is ascertainable.”   For the thoughts and feelings of the historical characters, however, “I alone must be held responsible.” 

John Brown’s Body does on a grand scale what Stephen Crane’s novel, Red Badge of Courage, does on an individual level.  Both writers use fictional characters to put immediacy, feeling, and emotion into history.  They adhere to Aristotle’s maxim that poetry can reveal universal truths while history is confined to particular truths.  By following this methodology, both writers give immediacy and a personal focus to the events they recreate.   

That’s not to say a poet can’t be a good historian, too.  Benet remembered stories told to him by his father and grandfather, both graduates of West Point and career military officers.  He devoured the Official Record, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, and read countless collections of letters, diaries, and memoirs.  His set-piece descriptions of battles like the First Manassas, Shiloh, Fredericksburg, and Gettysburg are lyrically rendered and historically accurate. 

No less a historian than Bruce Catton, the author of an award-winning trilogy that recounted the war from the perspective of the Army of the Potomac, admired the book both for its poetry and its history.  He found it “pulsing with emotion and glowing with the light that comes when a poet’s insight touches a moment of inexplicable tragedy.“  Catton understood that “it is the poet we have to turn to when we confront the profound impact of tragedy on the human spirit.” 

Douglas Southall Freeman was researching his four-volume biography of Robert E. Lee when Benet’s masterpiece appeared.  He was curious to see how closely Benet’s appraisals and conclusions corresponded to his own.  Freeman concluded that Benet “was as accurate in his history as he was skillful in his art.”  

Very popular when it was published, John Brown’s Body is rarely read today.  Nevertheless, it remains a vibrant tapestry of America’s diversity and its unity by reimagining the war as Lincoln understood it -- a new birth of freedom, a nation redeemed, and a people re-unified.

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Gordon Berg is a past President and member of the Civil War Round Table of the District of Columbia (cwrtdc.org).  His reviews and articles appear in the Civil War Times and America's Civil War, among other publications.
The Stones River and Tullahoma Campaigns: This Army Does Not Retreat

Christopher L. Kolakowski
The History Press, 2011, 160 pp., $17.95

Reviewed by Gordon Berg

            Reading Chris Kolakowski's monograph on the Stones River and Tullahoma campaigns in Tennessee is like being on a well organized staff ride led by a thoroughly briefed officer.  If all the volumes in The History Press' series honoring the Sesquicentennial of the Civil War are as deftly organized and clearly written as this one, they will be a worthy addition to the historiography of what Robert Penn Warren rightly called “for the American imagination, the great single event of our history.”

            But don't let Kolakowski's conversational tone fool you.  Beneath it lies a keen strategic and tactical analysis of these two frequently overshadowed campaigns.  Kolakowski explains why they were decisive precursors to the more widely known battles that would later open the heartland of the upper South to a relentless tide of blue-coated invaders.    

            The book's first two chapters set the stage for the initial clash between the newly formed Union Army of the Cumberland and the newly named Confederate Army of Tennessee along a clear, limpid stream 30 miles south of Nashville.  Both Union Major General William S. Rosecrans and Confederate Lieutenant General Braxton Bragg had the same New Year's Eve 1862 battle plan; hold on the right and turn the other's left flank.  

            Bragg struck first and, for most of the day, the situation looked bleak for the boys in blue.  But a makeshift defensive line anchored at a place that aptly became known as “Hell's Half Acre,” and strung out along the Nashville Pike, eventually stemmed the gray tsunami..  The next day, both armies salved their considerable wounds under a cold, driving rain.  On the afternoon of Jan. 2, 1863, a poorly planned and disastrously executed Rebel attack on the Federal right at McFadden's Ford against a wall of expertly directed artillery fire ended what was to be the war's bloodiest battle in proportion to the number of troops engaged.  

            The battle of Stones River reflected the personalities of each army's commander.  Rosecrans was at the height of his powers; proud, profane, and personally courageous.  Bragg was rigid, aloof, and personally arrogant.  Kolakowski rightly characterizes the failings of the Confederate command structure in the West,  from Jefferson Davis on down, as a continuous psychodrama that plagued the Rebel armies in the West for the rest of the war.  

            Both armies then went into winter quarters.  Bragg, at Tullahoma, spent his time squabbling with his superiors and subordinates while Rosecrans, at Murfreesboro, reinforced and resupplied his battered army.  After 169 days of rest, and considerable prodding from Washington, Rosecrans was ready to resume campaigning.  Because of momentous events occurring in other theaters (Lee's invasion of Pennsylvania and Grant's final assault and capture of Vicksburg), the Tullahoma Campaign rarely earns a historiographical footnote.

            The long blue lines marched out of Murfreesboro on June 24, into “one of the wilder and latest-settled areas in Tennessee.”  The roads were bad and the weather was worse.  It rained for 14 of the next 17 days, leading one of Rosecrans' brigade commanders to observe “The roads seem to have been lost, as we passed through woods with bottomless mud.”  But Rosecrans had two secret weapons, accurate maps and Captain William Emory Merrill to draw them.  First in his class at West Point in 1859, Merrill was now in charge of the army's topographical department.  He left nothing to chance.   Maps produced by his topographical engineers allowed commanders to study the roads leading to the Tennessee River, calculate their capacities and limitations, and pinpoint locations where they could find water and forage.  Map making for the Army of the Cumberland had become an integral part of its war making capability.

            “Rosecrans's conquest of the region,” Kolakowski concludes, “had been amazingly cheap.”  At a cost of less than 600 casualties, “The Army of the Cumberland now controlled Middle Tennessee and threatened Chattanooga itself.”  The roads to Alabama, Georgia, and East Tennessee were now open.  


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Gordon Berg is a past President and member of the Civil War Round Table of the District of Columbia (www.cwrtdc.org).  His reviews and articles appear in the Civil War Times and America's Civil War, among other publications.
Enduring Legacy:
Rhetoric and Ritual of the Lost Cause


By W. Stuart Towns
University of Alabama Press, 2012, 208 pp., $37.50


Reviewed by Gordon Berg

            The Lost Cause, like Faulkner’s past, is not dead and, according to W. Stuart Towns, it’s not even past.  In his incisive exploration of the rhetoric and ritual associated with the South’s most enduring myth, Towns maintains “that twentieth-century white southerners learned much of how they were going to think about race, about the North, about the Civil War and Reconstruction, and about themselves from the rhetoric of the Lost Cause.”

            A former communications professor at Southeast Missouri State University, Towns examines the public oratory that formed the bedrock of southern ideology after the end of the Civil War.  His prose is clear, concise, and unfailingly direct; his hypotheses are boldly stated and scrupulously supported with evidence; and his conclusions are solidly based in logic and data. 

            Towns is non-judgmental about the post-war South's white supremacy ideology.  His aim is to show how ceremonial speaking and other forms of public address  were    the “primary vehicles for creating and disseminating the Lost Cause to the South's oral culture.”  Speeches at Confederate Memorial Day ceremonies, regimental reunions, and monument dedications extolled the valued heritage of a white society destroyed by the war.  For the formerly ascendant class, Lost Cause ritual and oratory “created a sense of order and community out of the chaos, uncertainty, and despair of defeat.”

            Many of the orators Towns investigates are not household names today.  But prominent people like Tennessee Senator William B. Bate, Florida Governor Cary A. Hardee, and veteran John Warwick Daniel, known as the “Lame Lion of Lynchburg” were regular speakers at civic gatherings like the 1910 reunion at Little Rock, AK that drew 150,000 spectators to watch 12,000 Confederate veterans and 14 bands pass in review.  

            The idea of redemption was an essential component of Lost Cause ideology.  It gave white Southerners the hope of setting things right again after their long night of radical, black dominated, Reconstruction.  “This redemption,” Towns argues, “was strongly reinforced by southern speakers in words that echoed for several generations as a cornerstone for the white-controlled, absolutely segregated, 'Solid South.'”

            Towns argues, persuasively, that Lost Cause orators spread their social vision so effectively and so persuasively “that they are still alive today and will remain so well into the future.”  In the desegregation and civil rights decades of the 1950s and 1960s, Towns maintains, Lost Cause rhetoric “justified, vindicated, defended, and explained states’ rights and white supremacy as enduring and fundamental planks of the ‘southern way of life.’”  Towns finds a clear and direct link between the “right of secession” and “sacred honor” rationales offered by former Confederate generals John Bell Hood and John Brown Gordon in the 1870s and the code words of “states’ rights” and “constitutional liberty” used by governors Ross Barnett and George Wallace in the 1960s.

            Towns hopes that the sesquicentennial commemoration will be used by people North and South to discuss and more fully understand the rhetoric underlying what Robert Penn Warren called “the great single event of our history.”

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Gordon Berg is a past President and member of the Civil War Round Table of the District of Columbia (http://www.cwrtdc.org/).  His reviews and articles appear in the Civil War Times and America's Civil War, among other publications.
America’s Great Debate:
Henry Clay, Stephen A. Douglas,
and the Compromise That Preserved the Union


By Fergus M. Bordewich

Publisher: Simon & Schuster, 2012, 398 pp.

Reviewed by Publishers Weekly

In this vivid, insightful history of the bitter controversy that led to the Compromise of 1850, journalist Bordewich (Washington: The Making of the American Capital) reminds us that Southerners dominated all branches of the federal government until 1850.  Every president had owned slaves except the two Adamses, and Southern states still made up half of the Senate.  The territorial bonanza after the 1845-1847 Mexican war threatened their control because California and New Mexico's governments excluded slavery.

Outraged Southern leaders refused to accept this, paralyzing Congress for months. A compromise designed by an aged Henry Clay failed, but was quickly revived and passed thanks largely to Stephen Douglas.  It admitted California as a free state, put off the status of the remaining territory, and strengthened the fugitive slave law. Despite narrow passage and wildly abusive debate, it was a dazzling achievement that temporarily staved off civil war. Political history is often a hard slog, but not in Bordewich's gripping, vigorous account featuring a large cast of unforgettable characters with fierce beliefs.

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Fergus Bordewich is a member of the Civil War Round Table of the District of Columbia (cwrtdc.org).  His other books include America’s Great Debate: Henry Clay, Stephen A. Douglas, and the Compromise That Preserved the Union and Bound for Canaan: The Underground Railroad and the War for the Soul of AmericaAdditional information about Mr. Bordewich and his books, articles and other publications is available on his website http://www.fergusbordewich.com/books.html